Student-led analysis of the forces shaping our world, written by those who will inherit it.
"The Monblatt Institute brings serious geopolitical analysis to a new generation. Student-led, professionally advised, and built on the belief that the next generation of thinkers has something worth saying."
The Monblatt Institute is a student-led think tank producing independent geopolitical analysis. We promote the voices of the next generation.
The Monblatt Institute exists to give young students a place to publish their perspectives on the world. Inspired by Steven Monblatt, who passed the foreign service exam at 21, the youngest to do so at the time, and went on to serve in Brazil, Mexico, India, Spain, Nigeria, and Indonesia, ending his career as Deputy Coordinator for Counterterrorism and Countering Violent Extremism at the U.S. Department of State.
We believe the next generation has something worth saying. We hold ourselves to a high analytical standard.
The Monblatt Institute is committed to giving young students a genuine platform to form opinions and contribute meaningfully to the global conversation.
We publish analysis, not advocacy. All work is reviewed prior to publication for quality, clarity, and accuracy.
Students who take geopolitics seriously and write with depth, guided by professionals with real-world experience.
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By Charles Handjian, Fellow · 8 min read
News coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict tends to lead with religion. It is a convenient frame, ancient and emotive, and it obscures more than it reveals. Religion has shaped how the conflict evolved and hardened over time, but it did not start it. The conflict origins are political and economic, rooted in competing claims to a specific piece of land at a specific moment in history: the British Mandate of Palestine.
Understanding those origins means going back to the aftermath of World War I.
When Britain defeated the Ottoman Empire, it inherited a vast and complicated territory. In 1920, the League of Nations formalized British control over Palestine, creating what became known as the Mandate of Palestine. Britain would administer the territory while facilitating peaceful coexistence between the Arab and Jewish populations living there. The goal was stability, not partition. In practice, it produced neither.
The Mandate period coincided with a significant wave of Jewish immigration to the region, driven largely by persecution in Europe and, later, the Holocaust. These newcomers arrived intending to build permanent lives. They were met with immediate resistance.
To understand that resistance, it helps to understand the society these immigrants were entering. Pre-Mandate Palestine was organized around a feudal agrarian economy. A small class of wealthy Arab landowners controlled large tracts of land while the majority of the Arab population worked that land as tenant farmers. The system had been in place for generations. Its social and economic hierarchies were deeply entrenched.
The arrival of Jewish immigrants posed a direct threat to that system. New settlers purchased land, established their own agricultural communities, and operated outside the existing feudal structure. For the Arab landowning class, this meant a loss of economic control. For the broader Arab population, it disrupted a way of life they had known for centuries.
This is the tension that the League of Nations failed to anticipate and that Britain failed to manage. The conflict that followed was not, at its origin, a holy war. It was a dispute over land, labor, and economic power, one that only over time acquired the language of identity and religion.
Britain's contradictory promises made things worse. The 1917 Balfour Declaration expressed British support for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. But British officials had also committed to Arab leaders through the Hussein-McMahon correspondence during the war, suggesting Arab sovereignty over much of the region in exchange for support against the Ottomans. Both populations had reasonable grounds to feel betrayed. British credibility with either side was thin from the start.
By 1947, Britain was exhausted and looking for a way out. The question of Palestine's future was handed to the newly established United Nations. The UN proposed a partition plan: two states, one Jewish and one Arab, carved from the Mandate territory, with Jerusalem under international administration.
The Jewish leadership accepted the plan. The Arab states and Palestinian Arab leadership rejected it, arguing that the entire territory was rightfully theirs and that partition amounted to an imposed dispossession. The rejection reflected the same conviction that had driven Arab resistance from the beginning: that a Jewish political entity in the region was a fundamental threat to Arab sovereignty.
Violence followed immediately. On November 30, 1947, the day after the UN vote, fighting broke out across the Mandate. For six months, Jewish and Arab forces fought a civil war of escalating brutality. On May 14, 1948, Israel declared independence. The United States recognized the new state within hours. The following day, armies from Egypt, Transjordan, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon crossed the border, igniting the first Arab-Israeli war.
The conflict that erupted in 1947 and 1948 did not emerge from nowhere. It grew from decades of competing promises, unmanaged migration, economic disruption, and nationalist movements on both sides that had been building since the early twentieth century. Religion was present throughout, but it was not the cause.
The cause was land. Who controlled it, who claimed it, and who was willing to fight for it.
Later pieces in this series will trace how the conflict developed from these origins, through the wars of 1956, 1967, and 1973, through the Oslo process and its collapse, and into the present. The same core dispute over territory and sovereignty remains unresolved. This is where it started.
This is Part I of an ongoing series on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Part II will examine the 1948 war and its aftermath.
By Quinn Burgers, Founder · 5 min read
As competition intensifies in the Indo-Pacific, Malaysia has emerged as a significant security partner for the United States. The two countries regularly collaborate on military exercises, maritime security, and counterterrorism operations. In late 2025, they formalized a new defense cooperation agreement called the Memorandum of Understanding on Defense Cooperation, elevating their relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.
This development reflects Washington's broader Indo-Pacific strategy, which prioritizes a strong presence in Southeast Asia amid China's expanding maritime influence. The U.S. values Malaysia's geographic position in the South China Sea, and more specifically, on the Strait of Malacca, one of the world's busiest shipping lanes. From this vantage point, Washington can better monitor China's presence in the South China Sea and maintain influence over the busy waterway.
Historically, Washington has been able to maintain maritime dominance through Freedom of Navigation Operations, or FONOPs.
FONOPs are conducted by the U.S. to challenge excessive maritime claims, such as China's nine-dash line claim, and support allies by reinforcing international law. These operations also maintain access to global trade routes and prevent one power from monopolizing strategic waterways. This new increase in U.S.-Malay relations may lead to greater cooperation in the region, enabling Washington to maintain its presence, influence, surveillance, and crucial regional partnerships in the increasingly critical Indo-Pacific.
South China Sea territorial claims and China's nine-dash line. Source: The Washington Post
However, Malaysia has historically pursued a strategy that balances strong economic ties with China, while maintaining security and defense cooperation with the U.S. The central question is whether deepening ties with Washington will shift that balance, or whether Kuala Lumpur can continue to preserve its strategic autonomy while navigating the intense power competition in the Indo-Pacific region.